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CONFRONTATIONS
$16.00
Book
Nietzsche is generally agreed to be one of the most influential thinkers of this century-but there is considerable disagreement about just what his significance is. This book offers an account of key confrontations in the history of Nietzsche's reception.
Part of the question hinges on which Nietzsche one chooses to read. Heidegger tried to read Nietzsche into the perspective of the history of metaphysics and ontology, and he created the most comprehensive, self-enclosed Nietzsche interpretation that has yet been produced. In order to do so, however, he concentrated on the fragments posthumously assembled as The Will to Power.
By contrast, Derrida's tack has been to approach Nietzsche, not as "the last metaphysician" or as a dogmatic visionary of power, but as someone who writes. Refusing to fix on a selection, compilation, or mutilation of Nietzsche's writings like The Will to Power, Derrida considers instead tarts often overlooked in philosophical readings: the figurative, ironic examples of indirect communication published by Nietzsche himself. Derrida thus transforms Nietzsche into an ironically skeptical figure who deconstructs the very metaphysics into which Heidegger sought to inscribe him.
Because a confrontation with Heidegger is central to Derrida's writings (and because this confrontation is always bound up with Nietzsche), this book not only gives an account of the "New Nietzsche," but also provides a genealogy of Derrida's own writings. The final chapter sets deconstruction against hermeneutics, and a new Afterword traces Nietzsche's reception in the English-speaking world. The author has written a new Preface for this English edition.
Ernst Behler is Professor of German and Comparative
Literature at the University of Washington.
A German Community Under American Occupation
$17.83
Book
This is the first comprehensive attempt to study the impact of American occupation upon a German community. By examining documentary sources and personal papers from the occupation period and interviewing a great many Germans and Americans directly associated with the military and civil administration of the town of Marburg, the author has written an illuminating case study of the occupation as a whole.
The study discloses several significant paradoxes: the effect of some military government policies necessarily doomed other military government policies to failure; military government encouraged decentralization and practiced centralization; the American democratization program encouraged and produced institutions and agencies that Germans used to undermine basic occupation policies; undemocratic methods were often used to promote a democratic ideal.
Perhaps the most important failure of the occupation authorities was their refusal to identify themselves with the German liberal and moderate forces that might have aided in the reconstruction of the kind of postwar Germany that the Americans sought to establish. These forces had an important stake in the results of the occupation, but no concessions or rewards were offered to obtain their active support. Instead, the occupation authorities chose to remain positively neutral during the struggle for power and status that liberals and moderates engaged in against leftists and Communists on the one hand, and conservatives, nationalists, and ex-Nazis on the other.
The author states that "The effect of American efforts was to disillusion the occupation's most loyal supporters and to bring forth people who disagreed with Americans about the extent and intent of denazification...; people who disagree with Americans about municipal and county government codes, the nature of the civil service, the structure and purpose of education, the proper political party organization and proper electoral procedures, the extent of industrial disarmament, the value of grass-roots political activities, and many other things."
Two striking conclusions emerge from the study. One is that American occupation policies fundamentally contradicted each other and thus were impossible to apply with any degree of success. The other is that in failing to achieve their stated objectives, Americans restored German self-respect at the expense of American policy and prestige.
Mr. Gimbel is Assistant Professor of History at Humbolt State College, California.
This is a reproduction edition from a scanned copy of the following original edition:
A German community under American occupation: Marburg, 1945-52
John Gimbel
ISBN 0804700613, 9780804700610
259 pages
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Political Inversions : Homosexuality, Fascism, and the Modernist Imaginary
$21.61
Book
“Hewitt asks: What ideological work is accomplished by conflating fascism with sexual perversion? In the course of doing so, he restores a range of understandings of male-male desire that have been lost to view in much recent commentary. Basing his interpretation of Theodor Adorno’s presentation on home-fascism on the analysis of male homosexuality in psychoanalytic theory, Hewitt, provides the best analysis of Freud’s theory of narcissism that I have read. Highly pertinent to current discussions of relations between varieties of masculinity, the public sphere, and the state, this important book will become essential in critical theory and gay and lesbian studies.”
- Richard Dellamora, Trent University
Political Inversions attempts to understand the forces at play in conflations-both theoretical and cultural-of homosexuality and fascism. Taking its cue from Adorno’s assertion that “totalitarianism and homosexuality belong together,” the book examines how “aberrant” political and sexual economies have been equated across a variety of literary, visual, and theoretical discourses in contemporary debate.
At the same time, the author explores the ways in which queer theory and historiography have responded defensively to such conflations, thereby excluding from current discussions much important material. Thus, for example, Political Inversions reassesses the work of German “masculinist” writers of the early part of the century-thinkers whose definitive (but politically troubling) contributions to the construction of homosexual identity have been overlooked by a history heavily invested in the liberal Weimar tradition represented by figures such as Hirschfeld. Rather than reconstructing a history of gay identity, the book reads its texts as interventions in the broader political crises besetting democratic institutions in the first half of this century.
As a counterpoint to the theoretical work of masculinist thinkers, Hewist constructs a literary counter-tradition-including such disparate writers as Jarry and the German homosexual anarchist John Henry Mackay-to show how masculinism was also capable of questioning both the social and sexual terms of its own time and the predominant paradigms in contemporary queer aesthetics.
Andrew Hewitt is Associate Professor of Comparative Literature at the State University of New York, Buffalo.
This is a reproduction edition from a scan of the following edition:
Political inversions: homosexuality, fascism, & the modernist imaginary
By Andrew Hewitt
Published by Stanford University Press, 1996
ISBN 0804726396, 9780804726399
333 pages
Contents
The Construction of HomoFascism 1
Nazism , queer theory , Auschwitz
The Frankfurt School and the Political 38
fascism , Frankfurt School , heterosexual
The Philosophy of Masculinism 79
homosexual , third sex , masculinist
Wyndham Lewis 171
transvestite , homosexual , transvestism
Difference and Identity 199
avant-garde , representationalism , Valens
Homosexual 245
Moravia , allegory , ancholy
Notes 289
Epistemology , ego ideal , Auschwitz
Bibliography 317
333 pages
